教育基本法改正問題と自治体の教育改革(地方分権政策下における自治体と学校,I 年報フォーラム)

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For the Scheduled Revision of Fundamental Law of Education at this time, we may indicate at least two faults. First, no account seems to have been taken of the entirety of the Fundamental Law of Education, as enacted through a careful selection of those fundamental education affairs concerned with the Constitution of Japan. Second, the logic of this Revision tends to restrict individuality in terms of spiritual activities through emphasizing individuality only in terms of economic activities. Under the superiority of such a national strategy, it becomes important extremely that we inquire into the correlations between the Fundamental Law of Education and the Constitution as it preferentially prescribes spiritual freedoms. Mediating such an inquiry, we should make an effort to discover a public space in which the educational reform of self-governing bodies may be secure. In order to design educational reform for each self-governing body in this way, we need, accordingly,to pay attention to various, practical cases which aim to discover and construct a public space for education. The first noteworthy matter is the proposed idea of the Fundamental Education Act in terms of the actual study of education law. Concerning this idea, it is also interesting to experiment with several possible (and separate) education acts with the aim of increasing constituents' participation in educational administration and security concerning children's rights. Moreover, it will become important hereafter for self-governing bodies to exercise their autonomy in the interpretation of national education laws. We should attach importance to the fact that the space to exercise their autonomy has been particularly extended since the Large Revision of Local Autonomy Law in July 1999. The second important development is the "Goi (Mutual Consent)" movement in the education system of the Soya District of Hokkaido Prefecture. This movement has appeared to place school-making as a keystone of education and has developed through a "life-line" of charting the road toward autonomous school-making or of policy-making activities for school improvement. It has thus succeeded in developing a unique form of policy named "goisho (mutual consent writing)," which has enabled parents, other citizens and educators to take part in school-making. It has developed into the cooperative policy between middle-level administrative bodies in the Soya District through the Steering Conference of Local School Boards, the Teachers' Union, the Principals' Society, and the Head-teachers' Society. We should pay attention to the public space where this "Goi (Mutual Consent)" movement in education has thus emerged and blossomed. In addition, we need to analyze particular factors concerning the sponsors and participants of this movement as they represent a methodological deviation between the movement in terms of anti-national policy of education and the movement in terms of daily, practical school improvement. In conclusion, it is necessary and important for us to inquire into the following problems for directions. First, how do we establish self-government and the universal and proper "rights" to education as prescribed by the Constitution and the Fundamental Law of Education at autonomous levels within existing laws. Second is how to make policy which will be connected with educational and administrative programs and the educational needs of the people at the basic unit of each school without existing systems. To do this we should divide each of these two problems methodologically into certain practical areas for future research.
日本教育行政学会の論文
2003-10-17

著者

古野博明
北海道教育大学

教育基本法改正問題と自治体の教育改革(地方分権政策下における自治体と学校,I 年報フォーラム)

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