長崎における在日中国人の就業状況の変化と居住地移動

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概要

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• The present writer elucidates the factors in the expansion of the Chinese residential area in Nagasaki after 1900, according to statistics and his own direct inquiries viith members of the Chinese community. The majority of Chinese in Nagasaki are a group from the Foochow district in the north of Hokkien Province, China (Table 1, 2). They immigrated just after 1899 when the residential restriction system for foreigners was abolished (Table 3). They came to Nagasaki relying upon their relations or upon former immigrants from the same Hokkien province. They concentrated in and around the China-town area of Shinchi-cho and had been living together at least until 1961 (Fig. 2). At first, they used to engage in itinerant trade. Then, those who earned sufficient changed their business into traders, restaurant owners, merchants of various kinds, barbers and so on. During World War II, the Chinese in Japan suffered various forms of discrimination and persecution since they were regarded as the enemy. Therefore, some of them returned to their own country. After the War, their occupation became concentrated as restaurant owners and merchants of various kinds. They obtained raw materials for their business through the courtesy of the GHQ and some even made a large profit. However, few Chinese extended their business to manufacturing, except to produce Chinese confectioneries and noodles. It was difficult for Chinese to extend their business because banking facilities tended to reject financing to Chinese companies. The opportunities to enter professional occupations for the second generation were restricted in spite of their high educational background. Most of them were obliged to succeed to their family occupations (Table 4). The conclusion of the Sino-Japanese treaty in 1972 and the following China boom in Japan enabled them to extend their business, however. Recently, as most Japanese companies have opened the doors to Chinese and banking facilities have not discriminated against Chinese companies, they have succeeded economically more than ever. Social classes among three generation, therefore, have become diversified (Table 6). The change of socio-economic status among three generations of Chinese influenced their residential pattern. After the 1960s, the Chinese residential area extended to the whole of Nagasaki City (Fig.3). Such residential dispersion was mainly caused by the expansion in business opportunities for the second generation. Moreover, some of the third generation migrate from Nagasaki to other metropolitan areas, such as Tokyo and Osaka, in order to go to college and to obtain more profitable jobs.I　はじめに II　研究対象と地域（1）長崎と中国人（2）在日中国人人口の推移 III　就業状況の変化と居住地移動の世代間比較（1）1世の職業構成と居住地移動 a居留地の廃止から第二次世界大戦期まで b第二次世界大戦期以降（2）2世の職業構成と居住地移動 a第二次世界大戦期から日中国交正常化まで b日中国交正常化以降（3）3世・4世の職業構成と居住地移動 IV　結びに代えて

• 人文地理学会,The Human Geographical Society of Japanの論文

著者

• 阿部 康久

  名古屋大学・院

関連論文

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• 1920年代の東京府における中国人労働者の就業構造と居住分化
• 長崎における在日中国人の就業状況の変化と居住地移動
• 長崎在留華僑・華人の就業構造の変化と居住地移動 -ライフヒストリーによる世代間比較を通して-
• 大連における植民地時代の建造物と観光開発

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