定性効果と派生目的語制約

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概要

• 論文の詳細を見る

• This article shows that English `accusative with infinitive' construction subject to the Derived Object Constraint (DOC) of Postal (1974) cannot be fully accounted for by either Bošković's (1997) and Lasnik's (2008) case-theoretic analyses. The main empirical goal of the article is to argue that the relevant construction is in part conditioned by the effect of definiteness involved with the `raised' NP and the semantics of the main clause predicate (i.e. allege-type verbs), within Chomsky's (2008) Minimalist Framework.

著者

• 現影 秀昭

  埼玉学園大学人間学部

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