日韓関係の力学と展望 : 冷戦期のダイナミズムと脱冷戦期における構造変容
スポンサーリンク
概要
- 論文の詳細を見る
South Korea-Japan relation as the pseudo-alliance mediated by USA, constrained by the Cold War, had promoted South Korea-Japan normalization by putting top priority on strengthening anti-communist bloc through economic cooperation while containing the emergence of problems concerning decolonization. At first, although the South Korean government claimed that Japan must make reparations for its thirty six year colonial rule, Japanese government refused it because Korea had not been a member of the United Nations during the war. Then the South Korean government insisted that Korea had the rights to get compensation for the damages caused by the colonial rule, but the Japanese government at first tried to counterbalance South Korean claims by insisting that Japan also had the legal rights to recover the property rights of Japanese living in Korea during the colonial period, and later demanded that the South Korean government should provide the concrete proof materials validating how much the South Korean government could demand as Korean property claims against the Japanese government. The South Korean government could not have enough proof materials because the Japanese government, rather than the Korean government, had much more proof materials. At last the South Korean government, especially the Park Chung Hee administration established after the May 16 military coup d'etat in 1961, and the Japanese Ikeda administration agreed that the problem of Korean property claims against the Japanese government should be resolved as the economic cooperation politically rather than legally. The volume of money, goods, and services the Japanese government was obliged to transfer to South Korea was agreed as 300 million dollars grant, 200 million dollars soft official loan, and more than 300 million dollars investment or commercial loan. That is the content of the 'notorious' Kim-Ohira memorandum. Such political dynamism of Korea-Japan relation, however, has been changed especially after the end of the Cold War. Firstly, South Korea and Japan share market democracy as their common political economic values. Secondly, South Korea and Japan become relatively equal nations in terms of power. Thirdly, South Korea and Japan can narrow the perception gaps by making their mutual perception more balanced. Fourthly, South Korea-Japan relations are perceived to be not only the relations between them but also the collaborative ones supplying public goods. Lastly, South Korea-Japan relations are more active, two-directional, and multi-dimensional including the civil society relations. South Korea-Japan relation after the end of the Cold War has been unstable in terms of the fact that the two countries cannot have a clear momentum which can contribute to connecting both societies instead of a momentum as anticommunist countries under the Cold War. It is exactly in such an atmosphere that the mutual frictions concerning the territorial problems and the different views of their common history were caused early in 2005. Some analysts say that South Korea -Japan relation cannot be friendly so far as the different views of past history lie between the two countries. However, the impacts of the structural changes of South Korea-Japan relation gradually have made and will make their interactions collaborative, reliable, and productive. I suggest that South Korea and Japan should play the role of providing public goods not as hegemony but as the alliance of middle powers in Northeast Asia. What is desirable for South Korea and Japan is that they will create a peaceful and non-hegemonic regional order. Japan cannot create such order by itself alone, and neither South Korea. But the collaborative relation between South Korea and Japan will make such a peaceful and non-hegemonic order possible by overcoming the prisoners' dilemma.
- 国際基督教大学の論文
著者
関連論文
- 21世紀における東アジア情勢の展望 : 安全保障と民主化問題を中心に
- 朴正煕政権の生成・変動・帰結の政治力学--冷戦・経済開発・民主化運動への対応を中心に (1996年度歴史学研究会大会報告) -- (周辺地域における独裁--権威主義的支配の歴史的位置)
- 東アジアにおける市場民主主義体制への移行と「民主的平和」 : 朝鮮半島を中心に(21世紀における東アジア情勢の展望-安全保障と民主化問題を中心に-)
- ブッシュ政権の対北朝鮮政策--対北朝鮮強硬論と多国間枠組みの狭間で (焦点 ブッシュ政権の行方)
- 日本側発表 日韓関係の力学と展望:冷戦期のダイナミズムと脱冷戦期における構造変容 (日韓シンポジウム 東北アジア時代における両国関係 国交正常化40周年を迎えて(上)) -- (第1セッション テーマ=日韓国交正常化40周年の歴史的意味)
- 日韓関係 : 争点と視座 (特集 東京大学・ソウル大学 フォーラム98
- 韓国外交史料館 (特集 現代韓国朝鮮研究とアーカイブズ)
- 国民は何を選んだのか (特集 大統領選挙後の韓国)
- 日韓関係の力学と展望 : 冷戦期のダイナミズムと脱冷戦期における構造変容
- 朝鮮半島冷戦の展開--グローバル冷戦との「乖離」、同盟内政治との連携 (特集1:アジア冷戦史の再検討)
- 韓国政治のダイナミズムと盧武鉉政権 (特集 民主化の進展と現状)
- 外国研究としての韓国研究
- 政治体制と開発協力--日韓関係を事例として (焦点 開発協力の諸側面)
- 2000年6月に歴史的な南北首脳会談が行われた朝鮮半島は、統一へと向かうでしょうか?冷戦終結後一〇年間も協議が行われなかったのはなぜでしょう? (50問--これが核心だ!) -- (国際情勢)
- 北東アジアの秩序形成日韓の責務 (特集 金大中大統領の韓国)
- 朝鮮半島激流 韓国大統領選挙の構図と争点
- 韓国総選挙
- 「韓国NIES化の苦悩--経済開発と民主化のジレンマ」朴一
- The Political Economy of the New Asian Industrialism/Frederic C.Deyo ed.(1987)
- The Politics of the World-Economy--the States,the Movements,and the Civilizations/Immanuel Wallerstein(1984)
- KIM Doo Sung, The Foreign Policy of Hayato Ikeda Government and the Negotiation of Normalization with ROK: “Synergy” of Politics and Economics Regarding Domestic and Foreign Policy