ルーマニア語における有声性の一致について
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概要
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In Romanian, most obstruent sequences agree with regard to the value of [voice]. This voicing agreement is due to regressive assimilation conditioned by segmental adjacency. Previous treatments (Lombardi 1995a,b) in Optimality Theory fail to capture this phenomenon because they rely heavily on syllable structure. In this paper we argue that defining the Position-Specific Identity Constraint in terms of segmental adjacency instead of syllable structure can offer a better account of the phenomenon under consideration. There are two kinds of exceptions to this phenomenon. One is caused by the OCP effect on root nodes, while the other can be described as under-application of phonological processes caused by the higher-ranked Output-to-Output Identity Constraint.
- 1997-04-30