動詞句における削除と空所化に関する一考察と諸問題

概要

論文の詳細を見る
Lobeck (1990) states that deletion constructions including VP deletion, sluicing and N'deletion are licensed by agreement in functional categories which are just above the deleted phrases. I claim in this thesis that gapping and pseudo-gapping in verb phrases falls into the same mechanism as deletion constructions ; if a remnant constituent in gapping and pseudo-gapping constructions make a movement out of a deleted verb phrase, as Lasnik (1995) hypothesizes, then the remnants attach to vP, which is one of the functional categories required in order to check such things as EPP feature. Furthermore, information construction predicts grammaticality about deletion and gapping constructions in a different way from syntactic analyses. I propose that a property of gapping construction is almost always followed by an information construction. I will not only discuss the properties of these constructions, but also indicate some unsolved problems in this type of construction.
駒沢女子大学の論文