農村共同体と宮座 (社会経済史の構成方法を求めて : 具体的事例に即して)

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When one speaks of the historical study of social structures, mass consciousness and ways of life become an important question. In the life of people they are the basis of the structure, and there are spheres that are little affected by economic and political change. The writer considers Miyaza and the traditional agricultural community from this point of view. Miyaza is variously called 'za' or 'koh' indifferent places; we use the term 'miyaza' for all such organizations. It is an organization centered on a shrine whose members have special religious, political social and economic privileges and which dominates the village community. Miyaza, which first appeared in medieval feudal society, continued to be in the Edo period and after the Meiji Restoration. Even in modern villages miyaza have survived, through the period of rapid economic growth, on the occasions of ceremonies and in consciousness, especially in villages on the outskirts of cities in the Kinki district. Miyaza, however, responding slowly to changes in the villages accompanied with economic development, have experienced changes in their traditional structure. Special privileges have been lost, and the surviving miyaza have taken on either a secular or an inclusive ceremonial form. We first consider the historical position to be assigned to miyaza. Contrary to views that characterize miyaza as either medieval or early modern (Edo), we regard the institution as essential feudal, as well as medieval and early modern. They first appeared at the end of the 11th century; during the 14th century they spread to regions outside the Kinki such as Chuugoku, and Hokuriku. In the 15th century the geographic scope of the institution continued to widen until they encompassed Chuubu, Kanto, and Too-hoku. The 16th century saw a great increase in the number of miyaza and their continued spread. Secondly, we take up the social and economic background of the formation of miyaza. Miyaza was a necessary instrument for the controi of water and common iand by dominant farmers where feudai iords' power did not extend to these matters. This is the reason that most of miyaza were formed during the period when shoen were disintegrating. However in places where people were thinly scattered there was little need for common control of water and no need for miyaza. On the other hand where there was danse settlement, common use of water and mountain land was usual, and miyaza developed as a necessary organ of control. Looked at from the viewpoint of power, miyaza where necessary in village communities in which the power of leading peasants was weak. In this case the economic costs of controlling water and mountain land were too great to be under- taken by them alone. That is to say, from another point of view, the power of the ordinary peasant was great and direct control over them impossible. Thus it is that miyaza are rare in eastern Japan but wide- spread in western Japan, where agriculture was technically highly developed, where dependent peasants achieved independence, where in-migration was possible, and where the common use of water and mountain land expanded. As for typology, we may speak of a shoen-type of miyaza that originated in shoen ; a village-type of miyaza that originated in the village; and a mixed type combining these two. Of the two basic types the shoen-type is the more medieval. Miyaza is the heart of a village community where it exists, and we can observe some village communities based on it and other village communities free of it.
社会経済史学会の論文
1979-01-10

著者

安藤精一
和歌山大学

農村共同体と宮座 (社会経済史の構成方法を求めて : 具体的事例に即して)

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