賽神にみられる女性の社会関係 : 韓国京畿道楊州郡における巫俗の一考察
スポンサーリンク
概要
- 論文の詳細を見る
The purpose of this paper is to present 'the women's social sphere' in contemporary rural Korea, through the analysis of the myonuri-siomoni relation (the relationship between the bride, as an additional member of the family headed by her husband's father, and her husband's mother), the ork'e-sinui relation (the relationship between a married woman and the sister of her husband, or a woman and the wife of her brother) and tongso-chi-gan (the relationship between a married woman and the. wife of her husband's brother) as observed in Kut. The descriptive data presented here were collected in the course of seventeen months following November 1978, which were spent in field research in a village of Kyonggi Province. The kut described here is the major ritual performed by mansin (the Korean shaman in Kyonggi Province), as the complex interplay between client (patient), family, relatives, guests, visitors, mansins and spirits. Enough has perhaps been said to indicate the important place of Shamanism in Korean religious life and beliefs. The kut is not only the shaman's ritual but also provides the model for conducting a wide range of 'the women's social sphere' in a Korean community. Further, it is usually performed with a special focus on disasters, wealth, fortune or fear among villagers. The Korean woman, in general, conducts herself in accordance with Confucian ethics. She is expected to show obedient attitudes and behavior to her father before marriage, to her husband after marriage and to her son after her husband's death. If the groom is the eldest son of his father, the bride will nearly always live in his natal home and be expected to serve his parents in the primary duties. Particularly, she must obey siomoni under the Confucian moral. In most cases, she experiences sijip-sari (the bride's life with the psychological hardships in the groom's family) . By marriage, the Korean woman becomes an outsider in her natal family and also in her husband's family. Her marginal position comes to be secure only when she produces a male heir to succeed the husband's family line in the genealogy and offer the ancestor cults in the next generation. A married woman in the Korean community comes to be involved in the relations among siomoni, sinui or tongso. The tongsos are obliged to cooperate frequently with each and all in daily life : preparing for the ancestor cults, a funeral or wedding ceremony, working in the field or cooking meals for the farmhands as mutual assistance in every day life. The married-sinui, except for the birthday of her parents, goes infrequently to her natal home. Rare cases, the kut causes sinui to come to her natal home. The kut is planned on one's death, sickness, accident, failure or loss, or as a crisis in social relationships. The women, who take part in the kut, can easily belong to 'the women's social sphere' based on the uncertain status of the Korean wife, or different kinds of achieved relationships between them and the client. For the Korean wife, that is to say, the achieved relationship by marriage, is more important than the ascribed one. The siomoni and tongso occupy the same status as an additional member of her husband's father's family. Under such situations, the siomoni has already established the achieved status and occupies position of the seniority in her husband's family. The Korean wife considers the tongso as her rivals for the achieved relationships in her husband's father's family. In 'the women's social sphere', there is the tongso relationship such as the relation between sisters, relaxing the antagonism and conflict between the siomoni and the myonuri.
- 日本文化人類学会の論文
- 1980-09-30