上古中期禪母系疑問代詞系統中句法分佈的互補現象
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概要
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本文通過對上古中期的五個文獻中的禪母系疑問代詞「孰」和「誰」進行分析，指出：在《論語》《孟子》中「孰/誰」指示人或人的集團時，「孰」只作主語不作賓語，而「誰」主要作賓語很少作主語，由此顯示出了在句法分佈上的互補現象。因此可以推定，在該句型中「孰」和「誰」的交替起著格表示的功能。在此基礎上，對此互補現象的生成過程及其機制，提出以下假說：在《論語》《孟子》中所見到的「孰」和「誰」的交替的格表示是，在上古初期以後由其在話語層面上的交替而演變成句法層面上的交替的結果。這種格表示在共時平面上可以視為一種suppletion，不可能是原始漢語中存在過的格變化的遺留。This paper deals with the grammatical distribution of interrogative pronouns 孰Shu and 誰Shei having initial *d in Classical Chinese. The investigation is based mainly on Classical Chinese texts of 左傳Zuozhuan, 国語Guoyu, 論語Lunyu, 孟子Mengzi, and 呂氏春秋Lushichunqiu in terms of syntactic constraints and discourse function. In 論語Lunyu, 孟子Mengzi and 呂氏春秋Lushichunqiu, when 孰Shu or 誰Shei appears in syntactically ambiguous sentences such as “孰Shu/誰Shei+V2”or“孰Shu/誰Shei+V3(+O)” and refers to people (or a group of people), 孰Shu can only occur as a subject, not as an object. 誰Shei, on the other hand, can mostly occur as an object, almost never as a subject. That is to say, they are in complementary distribution. This can be interpreted that in these sentences the complementary occurrence between 孰Shu and 誰Shei functions as a case marking system, because in these three texts the grammatical differences between 孰Shu and 誰Shei in discourse levels are very small. Moreover, the development process of this syntactic distribution of 孰Shu and 誰Shei in 論語Lunyu and 孟子Mengzi is discussed, and an assumption is made that this came through the following process: (i) originally, the alternation of 孰Shu and 誰Shei was conditioned by both discourse and syntactic levels, (ii) later, it changed to be conditioned by only the syntactic level, and the syntactic distribution of 孰Shu and 誰Shei became complementary. One of the causes of this change must have been a desire to reduce ambiguousness in syntactically ambiguous sentences. As mentioned above, the case marking system by the complementary occurrence between 孰Shu and 誰Shei in Classical Chinese is not an inflectional case marking but a kind of a suppletion.
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