西部ソロモン諸島における民族学的調査の覚え書(下)

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From August to October 1964, Keio University sent an archaeological and ethnological expedition team to the British Protectorate Solomon Islands in Melanesia for its preliminary field work. This note is mainly dealing with the ethnological part of the data obtained by us in this field work. During our three months' stay we did our general surveys of the northwestern coast of Choiseul Island, the northern part of New Georgia Island, Shimbo Island, and the western coast of Ganonga, and of Vella Lavella Island, and their neighbouring islands and islets. For the last three weeks, we stayed at the villages of Paramata and of New-Paramata on the western coast of Vella Lavella Island to do rather intensive field work, (I) Inferences from Legends and Mythologies Among the legends and mythologies I collected from the natives of the Solomon Islands, there are a few legends that may suggest the formation and the development of the inhabitants in Vella Lavella Island. According to one of those legends, a magician, his brother and thier families set out from Savo Island for a richer land. They reached Vella Lavella by way of Shimbo, Ganonga and Baga Islands, and finally landed at Cape Kilebembala. Afterwards, they went up to the top of Mt. Tu'umbuo at the center of the Island and built their new homes there. Since then, as the population increased, people were said to have spread to Kumboro, Veala, and other parts of Vella Lavella Island (cf. Fig. 1). Another legend tells that the Kaurubo tribe who migrated from Kumboro Hill to Zage-zage, looking for the more fertile land happened to reach Mono Island of Shortland Islands, where they settled. Meanwhile, other groups were said to have landed at Ganonga and Simbo Islands. In thoes legends we find some stories of such totems as birds - pigeon, fligate-birds, etc. - crocodiles, and turtles that took roles of pilots at the migration of those groups. (II) The Western Solomon Islanders Ray, S. H. and other linguists recognize the clear evidence of non-Melanesian origin (e.g. the Papuan language) among the languages of inland people of Bougainville Island, especially of such Islanders as of Savo, Russell, Rendova and Vella Lavella. Thurnwald, R. and others describe the Vella Lavella Islanders as physically considerable hybrid of native inlanders and black skin Melanesians. Probably, the legend I first mentioned in the (I) may support the hypothesis that the first inhabitants of Vella Lavella Island had been originally Papuan speaking. Accordingly, the second legend may suggest the social development of Vella Lavella Islanders, after their intermarriages with Melanesians. Black skin people are dominant in the Western Solomon Islands, as there are in Shortland and Bougainville. Moreover, it is worth noticing the fact that the inhabitants of Simbo Island have intimate feelings to Ganonga Islanders and Roviana men, while they treat the Vella Lavella Islanders like foreigners, as they do the Ysabel Islanders etc. (III) Canoes (IV) Slaves Because of the topographical environment of the Solomon Islands, the communications between each village (of course between each island) depended mainly on canoes. However, the contact was mostly through tribal trades and wars or head-huntings, which is interesting to note. It had been culturally and socially significant chances of contact in these regions to capture the inhabitants of other islands for slavery. (V) Genealogy of the Family, Lezutuni (VI) The Inland Village Life in the Past In order to reconstruct the village life of the inland area, before Europeans' arrival, we did the archaeological survey along with the ethnological investigation at the top of the Hill, Veala, where we excavated the remains of hamlets, as it was explained by Silas Lezutuni (head man of Paramata village) through his past experiences. Hamlets in those days were at the top of the hills or the ridges of the hills for the purpose of defence. The sites were also suited for their slash-and-burn cultivation. At the hamlet of Veala, there were circular meeting spaces (Paele), each of which was surrounded by approximately ten rectangular huts. Five of those groups of huts form a hamlet. The chief's family lived in group at the top of the Hill, Piluza. We also found on the 4th group of huts (Dirivola-2), the hut of Rakomo, means a female magician, and her prayer house, (cf. Fig. 7 and Chikamori's Report Fig. 2, 3) (VII) The Conflict between Villages and their Abandonment of the Village Sites (VIII) Historical Changes of Housing Site by Lezutuni Family (IX) Movement of Slash-and-burn Agriculture People Before Silas and his people settled at the present village, Paramata, on the coastal area, they changed their dwelling place at least from seven to eight times, not only at Veala Hill, but also in the bushes at the foot of the Hill, mainly because they practise slash-and-burn agriculture. (cf. Fig. 13) Even at present, hamlets of the Islanders sometimes change their land. The reason why they have many legends suggesting their migrations to several directions, will mostly depend on their method of cultivations. (X) The Contact with the Western Civilization (XI) The Amalgamation to the Whites' World The contact of the Solomon Islanders with the Western World had begun by the agressive penetration of the latter. The natives showed great interest in guns, or iron goods brought by the white merchants, for the aboriginal society did not exist without tribal wars, or head-huntings. The first step for the invasion of the white race to their societies was thus established and proceeded through the tradings of those fire-arms and iron goods. The activity of the merchants then furnished the opportunity for the Missionaries to preach their Christian doctrines, which began to make an internal reformation to the traditonal social structure, spiritual aspects of culture, and the value systems of the aborgines. (XII) The Significance of Population Decrease and the Movement of the Natives towards Coastal Areas As it had been always, the invasion of the whites decreased rapidly the native population. This population decrease made it easier for the Colonial Government and Christian Missionaries to encourage the natives to move towards the coastal regions, where there were not so much available land for cultivating taros and yams as there were in inland. (XIII) Period before and after the Migration of the Lezutuni to Paramata Village (XIV) The Formation of New Paramata Village and the Process of Separation of Some New Village from One Village At present, Methodists and a few other groups including C. F. C. (Christian Fellow-ship Church) which was recently founded by a native, are propagating in the Western Solomon Islands. Usually, the whole village belongs to one sect in this area, and the Paramata Village belonged to the Methodist Mission. Therefore, the conversion to C. F. C. among the natives at Paramata Village was the crucial factor for them to have a new village New Paramata (other name Leona) separating from Paramata. Now, the traditional beliefs are rapidly beginning to lose their social functions that were used to control the village life of the tribal societies, and are now taken place of by the Christianity. (XV) Burial Customs (XVI) Burial Customs (continued) The traditional burial customs in the Western Solomons are multiple burials, associated with tribal ancestor worship and skull worship. There are Some kinds of primary burials as follows: 1) expose the dead body on a tree 2) expose his body on an erected tower 3) lay his body on the seashore 4) cover the body with gravels except only his head 5) put the body in a bamboo basket and ties it on the trunk of a tree The fourth case was applied at the death of the chief and that of the elders. In case of the prematured death, unnatural death, or the death of witchcraft and slaves, the bodies were abandoned in the bush or in the sea. Sometimes they were buried in the ground, and there was no secondary burials for them. A few examples of cremation were found in Choiseul Islands in case he was either head-man or medicine man {matezana). In many cases, the head of the dead bodies were laid towards the west, but they were not always. It was the most common of all for the dead to be buried in a sitting position, e.g. in so called korowar style. There are various types of skull houses used at the secondary burials: Niche style skull house (cf. Ph I) ………Ganonga, Vella Lavell Ston-piled mound (cf. Fig. 24) ……………Choiseul, Simbo, etc. Flat stone built skull house (cf. Ph. II) …Simbo, Choiseul, etc. Wooden dove-cot style skull house (cf. Fig. 21) …Vella Lavella Wooden coffin style skull house (cf. Fig. 25) ……Vella Lavella Wooden closet style skull house (cf. Fig. 27) ……Vella Lavella As far as the distribution of those types of skull houses are concerned, each type is not always found in concentration in one area. No correspondence is recognized between the social position of the dead and the difference in style of skull houses. However, there are examples of keeping the whole skeletons as well as skull, if the dead was the chief. The member of each tribe is to be worshipped at the skull house belonged to the same tribe. The skull houses are not always built towards the west, nor towards the sea. (XVII) The Land of the Dead (XVIII) The Land of the Dead (continued) The complexity of the funeral rites among the Western Solomon Islanders is reflected also in their concept of other world. For them the land of other world is believed to be not only on the earth but also under the earth. General tendency of their beliefs in the other world is as follows: A few days after one's death, his spirit flies to the volcano, Patu-kio at Simbo, an isolated island on the southwest of the Western Solomons (cf. Fig. 28 and Ph. IV) - sometimes it is said to go there through under the ground - stopping by the side of a small lake on his way there.
慶應義塾大学の論文

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伊藤清司
慶応義塾大学:杏林大学外国語学部

西部ソロモン諸島における民族学的調査の覚え書(下)

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