韓国タンゴル巫のアクション・グループの分析

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Tanggol, the lowest strata of Korean society, is traditionally composed of priests and priestesses who perform religious festivals. They perform the rituals as a group of about ten men and women. The unit is composed of kinship, economic, social and religious relationships. This article mainly attempts to analyze the underlying principle of these relationships. There are many words accepted already as terms of social anthropology, for example, kinset, action-set, action group, quasi-group, and kith-based action group. FREEMAN and GEERTS use the term "set of kin" as an ego-centered unit with a rule. It is a social network and social category that generate and support an action. The word is also ' called kin-set as defined by GULLIVER but it also has a reciprocal relationship which is not included in kin-set. Sometimes it is related with kin-set and includes kin-set, but it is not limited to kin group. Quasi-group, which is not a real group, is used by MAYER. First, it is a system of egocentered relationships pertaining to a certain person. Second, the relations of members is limited in an ego (leader) and the other members. Quasi-group has an emphasis on relationship in an unit. Kith-based action-group, the unit based on kindreds and affinities is used by BLEHR When he analyzes the crews of fishing boats in the Faroe Islands. The number of an unit is usually twenty-five, fifteen to twenty, or four to six men in accordance with the size of the fishing boat. In this article the writer uses the word action-group with the same meaning as kith-based action group by BLEHR. The kinship vested in action group of Tanggol society is a social network. The kinship network is centered on kindred and affinity. It is very similar to BLEHR'S diagram. The action-group of Tanggol is a temporary group, principally for performing a ritual at a village festival, which is disbanded after the ritual has been performed. Team work is necessary to harmoniously achieve the aim. The group usually consists of ten men or five couples. Family or conjugal participation is common. Occasionally, an action-set is solely composed of the family. Although limitation of the group's size is necessary, this is difficult to achieve because of competition in the society to perform the ritual. There are three criteria for selecting members of the performing group of the festivals. First, when a leader forms a group, he will select group members among his children or near kinsmen who have an ability to perform. This kinship area includes members of the family or very close kin, and does not include more distant kinsmen. This priority of kinship is fully recognized in the society. Second, the rule of reciprocity applies to a group which may be formed for a special occasion and then disbanded. Kinship is not an important factor here in the formation of the group, so there is often interaction between non-kinsmen. After a leader is elected by the villagers, he chooses group members. He is courteous to choose as a member the leader of the last group he performed with. Thereby the opportunity to participate in a group is exchanged through reciprocal action. Third, a high level of ability is a primary factor in choosing people to perform the rituals. According to the results of my analysis of ritual groups for village festivals, I have concluded that there are generally three types of groups. The first is a pyramid type which is vertically patterned patrilineally. It has a strong sense of group integrity and harmony. The second type is formed by leaders who have weaker kinship bonds in their patrilineal backgrounds. In this case the leader is usually trying to form a group for his own self-interests through a kinship network with a concubine or half-brother.
日本文化人類学会の論文
1978-03-31

韓国タンゴル巫のアクション・グループの分析

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